Sprache und Geschlecht - Beurteilungen geschlechtsspezifischen Sprachverhaltens (German Edition)

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She offers a similar explanation of the difference in male and female language. She says that differences arise in the first place because the sexes are segregated in early childhood. Children choose to be together with others of the same sex. Therefore children construct their peer group norms according to their observations of the codes and social relations of gender which surround them. Cameron again argues against that view and says that gender differences are not socialised into us during childhood.

Maltz and Borker say that children tend to segregate in their play groups at the age of three. They argue that men and women grow up in different subcultures which have different rules for speaking. The problem again arises when women and men try to communicate because they have different cultural rules for conversation. Aries sees limitations of this view because children grow up in families or institutions that are populated by both sexes and can therefore not grow up in separate cultures.

She also says that children grow up in families where both sexes can present different models of male or female behaviour. The views of Tannen and the others that all children segregate in single-sex groups is not convincing. Contrary to her view I observed different behaviour, namely that children especially in younger years play in mixed-sex groups. I would not deny that some children prefer being together with members of the same sex but I would not say that it is global truth.

More likely to believe is that children are influenced by both sexes because they grow up in families where there is a male and a female role model and therefore learn feminine and masculine behaviours. On the other hand, it is more likely today that children grow up in single-sex families.

But then they also do not grow up isolated. In every day life they come in contact with people from the opposite sex like teachers, friends or neighbours. In summary, the model that children segregate in different play groups and develop different forms of male and female language is not convincing. More likely to believe is that they learn both masculine and feminine behaviour and learn to use it in appropriate situations. The question if and why there are gender differences remains unanswered and needs further examination.

She gives an example for lexical differences when saying that women are likely to use more precise terms for colours. In this case I as a woman would even dare to say that I find this also amusing. The cause for this lies in childhood education. Another example of disparities shows a group of adjectives whose use indicates approbation or admiration for something. Some of these adjectives are gender-neutral like great or terrific, others like divine or lovely are restricted to use by women.

But there is at least one rule that a woman will use in more conversational situations than a man. A German theatre has been re- established in Prague. The foreign language known by most Slovaks is German, but this is changing, as in other successor states to the former East Bloc countries. The foreign newspapers sold on the streets of Brattislava are German high-quality papers and the mass-circulation Viennese Kronen Zeitung.

The Baltic States are developing links with the Nordic Union through Estonia, which shares cultural ties and linguistic similarities with Finland. Lithuania also has strong connections with North America through emigrant communities there. Latvia is the Baltic state which is maintaining its traditional links with the German language most, but mainly in the older and middle generations alongside Russian. More generally, the year-olds would employ German as their language of inter-cultural communication whereas the unders would tend to use English.

Both German and English are providing lexical transfers for signs and. Jakob cites examples from Poland - e. Wand und Boden wall and floor and anders wohnen different living in a furniture store, and K. Officially, each of the languages of the European Union, representing the member states, has equal status.

With the admission of Austria, Finland and Sweden, there are now twelve languages, making for combinations of languages for interpreting and translating purposes. The costs and difficulties of implementing the equal-status policy will rise with the eventual membership of smaller Central and Eastern European countries, all with different languages. While all documents and speeches are translated into all the Union languages, a principle that is inherent in the rationale for the European Union, the versions in the less commonly used languages generally take longer to become available than those in the three languages of inter-cultural communication, English, French and German.

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This would suggest that German would decline further as an academic language. Sometimes such languages are written in different script. So the news and political sections of the Suddeutsche and the news on the Bayerischer Rundfunk do not usually employ words such as heuer dieses Jahr, this year , fanner ifanuar, January , Gehweg Burgersteig, footpath or constructions such as liegen to lie , stehen to stand and sitzen to sit with the auxiliary sein cf. Within this region or locality in the German-language part, the dialect is spoken as the native language and sole language of informal discourse by all classes and sections of society, i. Regional official status was declared for German in under the general Belgian devolution plan see Barbour and Stevenson Standard German in Liechtenstein has not been codified.

There were, in , 1, translators, terminologists and revisors working for the Commission, for the Council, for the Parliament and for the economic and social committees Born and Schiitte In addition, there were about 3, interpreters Von Donat Some bodies function mainly in one language, e.

In effect, there are two predominant languages, English and French, and French is by far the more significant within the bureaucracy of the European Union. It is the French version that is generally the model for translation into other languages. SchloBmacher forthcoming surveyed officials of the then European Community and Parliament and of the members of the European Parliament on their use of the then nine languages in various situations. There was a strong predominance of French as the oral working language, especially in communication with EC organs but also with EC member countries.

English was used more only in communication with non-EC member countries, and German was hardly used at all.

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SchloBmacher points out that the proportion using English is constant, while French is increasing its use at the expense of German and other languages. This may change once Central and Eastern European countries are able to join the Union. Parliamentarians are slightly more likely to use English than French,. English is slightly more likely to be employed in these contexts by non-native speakers than is French. Because German is employed less than the two other LICCs, the German-language translators are the largest contingent and there has been a popular demand in Germany for an improvement in the status of the language in the European Union Von Donat The challenge of the European Union is to promote diversity within a structure that is very centralist.

French speakers are very conscious of the 'threat' posed by the spread of the English language and have clearly been successful in protecting the position of French which predates the entry of Britain and Ireland into the European Community. The strength of French within the Union administration is clearly not reflected in many other European contexts see other sections of this chapter , in which French has not only been exceeded by English but has also fallen behind German.

Born and Angeli draw attention to the fact that there is no European language policy and to the need for one. The impediments are nationalism, economic considerations, and legal problems. Komitologie sorting out communication problems between committees and erweitertes Prdsidium presidium plus representatives, based on French bureau elargi Born In the above discussion, we have often contrasted the situation of German with that of English.

Ammon makes the point several times that, while the position of German may be improving in some ways, it is unreasonable to expect it to compete with English, which, as the language of high technology and pop music, has a particularly strong appeal to the younger generation. In fact, most of Central and Eastern Europe appreciates the value of both languages, especially in economic terms Kowar Several Western European countries which have, in the recent years, concentrated their language teaching efforts on English, have expressed regret at the declining resources in other languages, including German.

The Netherlands, for instance, is moving towards a return to the three large European languages German and French as well as English in the school curriculum Nationaal Actie Programma. French had declined substantially in Dutch schools, and German was very much subordinated to English in spite of or because of?

France is introducing German and Spanish as well as English into the primary schools, and Italy is introducing French and German as well as English. Some states of Germany itself are implementing a policy of regional language teaching with an emphasis on 'getting to know your neighbour' French, Dutch, Danish. In Spain, German is catching up on French as a foreign language in schools because of the demands of trade and tourism and due to the contacts through Spanish migrant workers in Germany and the German-language part of Switzerland.

In a project in progress, Ammon and his colleagues have been studying the self-rated knowledge of English, German and French among. The academics are distributed across the natural and social sciences and humanities. While the incidence of a knowledge of English was almost identical among those under 45 This would suggest that German would decline further as an academic language. The difference between the proportion of scholars claiming English and German competence was greater in Western countries A further question, on which language s they would recommend young scholars in their field to learn, yielded a clear result in favour of English, followed by German, with French third.

In a study conducted before the political changes in Eastern and Central Europe, Medgyes and Kaplan found that, in science and technology, English had already established a lead over all other languages. Of scholars surveyed, Not being proficient in English was thought to be a disadvantage at an international conference. While English was the undisputed lingua franca of the natural sciences, its position in the humanities and social sciences was not quite so strong and German had a relatively substantial presence in these types of disciplines.

Another survey based on a search of job advertisements requiring languages conducted by Ammon and his team in confirmed the place of German between English and French. Only in Hungary was German in the greatest demand. A proposal to promote multilingualism which has received some attention is Posner's 'polyglot dialogue' whereby everyone has passive command of a number of languages as well as active command of some.

In this way, people can speak their own language but be understood by. This mode of communication prevailed in large parts of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, is normal in the Swiss public service Durmuller and in bilingual families. In some ways, it builds on the semi-communication Haugen among speakers of related Scandinavian and Slavic languages.

In response, Ammon argues that this proposal would be unworkable for the amount of linguistic diversity that exists in Europe and would ultimately disadvantage the speakers of less commonly used languages who would need to acquire still more languages, at even greater cost. In any case, in the Europe of many cultures, it is likely that linguistic diversity will be increasingly propagated and German will continue to play a role, not only as a national and ethnic language but also as a language of inter-cultural communication.

In the 'redrawing of the map' of Central and Eastern Europe, Germany has given renewed attention to the international status of German. Since and as a result of the Second World War, German has declined in the face of the rise of English as the main international language.

Since the political changes of , it has redeveloped its position as a link language between East and West, an asymmetrically dominant language, and a regional lingua franca in some parts of Central Europe. Its position is between that of English and French in Europe. It has certainly not been able to resist the appeal of English, used across continents as a lingua franca and especially among the young. As an academic language, German has given way to English in the natural sciences and, to a much lesser degree, in the humanities and social sciences.

Within the organizations of the European Union, the position of German is overshadowed by both French and English. While there is competition between German and English in the Central European education systems, both are favoured languages. German is likely to continue to play an important role in the multilingual future of Europe. Ammon is a comprehensive study of this field but will be superseded by the results of his more recent project.

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Coulmas deals with the economic aspects of this question. Born and Stickel contains conference papers covering many aspects of the topic. This chapter starts by examining the properties of pluricentric languages and then describes the form and function of Standard German in each of the German-language nations and those in which German has some kind of official or quasi-official status. At the end of the chapter, convergence between national varieties of German is discussed.

None of the national varieties of Standard German has developed into a separate language. Abstand distance and Ausbau elaboration. Some languages are guaranteed recognition as such, merely because of their distance from other languages e. Frisian as distinct from Dutch and English. Some, on the other hand, could, historically speaking or in terms of linguistic distance, be regarded as varieties of the same language but are independent because they are assigned the same functions as all other standard languages, usually to stress political distinctiveness e. Sometimes such languages are written in different script.

Following the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, Croatian and Serbian have diverged increasingly, but Moldavian, which had been declared a separate language after the annexation of Moldavia by the. Soviet Union in , has been redeveloping into a variety of Romanian. National varieties of the standard language should not be confused with regional or local dialects in use or status, even though they may share linguistic features with them, e. The standard language may be defined as supraregional within the nation concerned , institutionalized, subsuming all other subsystems, originally used by the more educated sections of society, and transmitted through the education system Loffler, Pestalozzi and Stern , Lewandowski The relationship between national varieties is usually a dynamic and interactive one because they are affecting one another and being affected by common influences.

The actual differences between national varieties in terms of phonology, vocabulary and grammar may not be very great. It is this difference that becomes a marker of national identity. At national borders, regional variation is insignificant but different national varieties are employed on either side. For instance, Scheuringer demonstrates this in a study of the language use of Braunau Bavaria and Simbach Austria , which are on the Austro-German border. Seidelmann found some divergence of the dialects of the twin town of Laufenburg on the German-Swiss border, influenced by the national variety of the standard language, with the national border creating a new dialect boundary.

The national varieties of pluricentric languages do not necessarily enjoy equal status either internationally or in the individual countries, i. Traditionally, the national varieties of the more dominant nations, for example British actually English , and American English, have been afforded a higher status than, say, Australian, Canadian or New Zealand English, let alone the indigenized English varieties of Singapore or India. The status of national varieties is determined by the relative population size of the nations, their economic and political power, historical factors e. They tend to consider national varieties of O nations as deviant, nonstandard and exotic, cute, charming and somewhat archaic.

This is related to the fact that the more distinctive forms of national varieties are dialectally and sociolectally marked. It is also the result of conservative and unrealistic norms. A model of codification devised by Ammon Ammon's model also differentiates between national varieties which have their own codex defining dictionaries, spelling and pronunciation guides, grammars and those that simply have models e. This makes it possible to develop a scale from 'full centres', through 'nearly full centres', and 'semi-centres' to 'rudimentary centres' of a language.

Language and Gender - Is there a gender gap in language?

US and England are 'full centres' of English, while Australia, with a dictionary and pronunciation guides but no codified grammatical norms is a 'nearly full centre'. Canada and New Zealand 'semi-centres' have not developed codices to the same extent but have models for their national norms. The nation-state of the nineteenth century mould was constructed on the basis of language being the common factor, so clearly language was, and remains, the basic identity marker.

What we are dealing with in pluricentric languages is a cultural differentiation between 'unequal partners' cf. Riekhoff and Neuhold being marked by a limited number of linguistic indices, which help define the community cf. The existence of autonomous German, Austrian and Swiss national varieties of Standard German is now widely accepted due to the longstanding independent Austrian and Swiss nations and because of specific linguistic features of the varieties.

The relative status of the varieties, including the relation between national varieties and regional ones dialects has not been resolved. The question of an autonomous East German national variety in the recent past - perhaps continuing into the present - will be discussed in Chapter 3.

The issue of German pluricentricity has been the subject of much discussion for over a decade e.

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As in other languages Clyne a , there has been increased tolerance towards other national varieties. The relation between the German and the other national varieties of German is determined by the factors mentioned under 2. There have been a number of aspects of the issue where the attitudes of the past have not been fully overcome. This is due to the fact that the states which unified under Prussia in chose the name Deutschland although there were some German-language areas outside the new nation-state. In the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the word 'German' or 'German-Austrian' was used to distinguish German speakers from the other ethnolinguistic groups.

This is compounded by a widespread acceptance, by Germans, of the superiority of their variety. The emphasis is on the exotic in comparison with West German norms. This may also testify to the 'linguistic cringe' existing in the latter countries. This will be discussed in the sections on these national varieties. In Austrian and Swiss, as well as in German publications e.

The term is used even in the Swiss dictionary of German, Bigler et al. Ammon argues in favour of a comprehensive dictionary of the German language in which items in all the national varieties are listed and marked accordingly. This means that Austrian and Swiss authors need to submit their manuscripts to editors and publishers whose norms may be determined by German Standard German see 2.

The norm-setting Duden grammar and the Duden and other influential dictionaries e. Wahrig and pronouncing dictionaries e. Siebs, Duden are published in Germany. While they do indicate Austrian and Swiss variants, these are given alongside South German regional ones, with the North German Standard as unmarked.

The German-based Goethe Institute generally provides the model for foreign students and foreign teachers of German. Before , it had an East German competitor in the Herder Institute. Thus, 'German German' has predominated in status and as a model for foreigners learning the language. The Austrian Government has, in recent years, attempted to redress this situation by establishing about Austrian Lektorate native speaker lectureships at foreign universities, including forty in Hungary Rudolf Muhr, personal communication , as well as Austrian bilingual schools and cultural institutes in Central and Eastern Europe and by running in-service training for foreign teachers of German and providing them with materials Kowar In many cases, they stepped into the vacuum created by the withdrawal of the GDR from the Eastern and.

Central European German-language export market. An Osterreichisches Sprachdiplom has been established as an alternative to the Deutsches Sprachdiplom. There are university courses for teachers of German as a second language focusing on Austrian German in Graz and Klagenfurt, although a German expert on second language acquisition was appointed to the first chair of German as a Second Language at an Austrian university, in Vienna.

Nagy advocates the inclusion of pluricentricity in German language programmes in non-German-language countries. Muhr c gives suggestions for its implementation, and Kozmova draws on existing Czech materials to illustrate this. However, the incomplete decoding of Austrian German 2. The low status sometimes afforded the Austrian and Swiss national varieties by Germans is not only an expression of cultural imperialism or historical considerations but also a confusion of linguistic and sociolinguistic factors. For instance, Jdnner January, GSG Januar and Feber February, GSG Februar are standard in Austria but not completely standard in South Germany, as is the case also with sein to be used as an auxiliary for verbs such as liegen to ]ie ,sitzen to sit , and stehen to stand.

These are the forms to be found in the newspaper, TV and radio news and in formal speeches in Austria but not in South Germany. Contemporary criticism of the 'pluricentric' model partly arises from historical considerations - that, while there is national variation in spoken rather than written German, linguistic differences may be ephemeral and are not very significant, and some of the Austrian and Swiss distinctive features are also represented in South Germany Besch The national standard varieties of these countries are, in fact, often devalued and assigned according to the historical classification of the base dialects to 'South German regional dialects' oberdeutsche Mundarten or Bavarian and Alemannic dialects respectively e.

German are widely regarded, in Germany especially the old Federal Republic , as regional norms rather than national ones on a par with that of Germany cf. Hugo Moser , von Polenz Weigel in O du mein Osterreich The authoritative Mannheim Duden-Rechtschreibung spelling dictionary lists not only words that are specifically Austrian or Swiss, but also ones that are regionally distributed within Germany. As from , the DudenRechtschreibung spelling dictionary and, since , even the Siebs Deutsche Aussprache, traditionally the prescriptive handbook of German pronunciation, have made allowances for Austrian and Swiss Standard German.

The Duden-Ausspracheworterbuch dictionary of pronunciation has refrained from listing such pronunciations as specific entries. Bister and Willemyns contrast the interest in the O varieties as manifested, for instance, in the existence of the Austrian and Swiss commissions advisory committees of the Duden, with the way in which pluricentricity as such is often ignored in German dictionaries and lexicographical treatises.

It will be shown 2. It will be demonstrated 3. The term 'archaic' is therefore relative and biased. What is old-fashioned, outdated or decadent for some, may be seen by others as normal and representative of continuity. As the GDR's policy was to emphasize the 'cultural independence and separateness' of the two German states, many scholars in the GDR tended to accept that there were four nationalsprachliche Varianten of the German language those of the GDR, the Federal Republic, Austria and Switzerland e.

Lerchner and various books in the Sprache und Gesellschaft series. But GDR linguists rarely turned their attention to any but the first two, although the Leipzig edition of the Duden recorded more Austrian Standard items than did the West German dictionary Fenske The convergence of the varieties from different German-speaking countries when speakers communicate will be discussed under 2. Emphasis is placed in this chapter on lexical, phonological and grammatical variation. The pragmatic and discourse dimensions are treated separately in Chapter 5 and the Anglo-American influence on the national varieties in Chapter 8.

GSG is the product of migration movements, political, economic and religious power conflicts, and the attraction of cultural and intellectual centres over many centuries. The development of GSG and its status are closely related to the notion and essence of German nationhood. As is the case with all languages, standardization has been a relatively recent process. While English and French were standardized on the basis of the dialect of the most powerful centres, London and Paris respectively, Standard German had its origins as a compromise variety Blackall As is the case with Italian, German retained great dialectal diversity because of the late unification of a political entity.

We shall return to these questions later in the section. The main division of dialects in German-language countries is based on the High German Sound Shift, which began between the sixth and eighth centuries AD in the south of the German-language region, and gradually moved northward.

Dialects in the far South which were wholly, or almost wholly affected by the sound shift are termed oberdeutsch Upper German , those in the Centre partially affected are designated as mitteldeutsch Central German , and those in the North unaffected are termed niederdeutsch Low German. Compare the following pairs of words: Keller , Barbour and Stevenson Until the seventeenth century, Low German had a separate existence as an important literary and commercial language; as the language of the.

Hanseatic League, it was even used as a lingua franca throughout Northern Europe. There is now no standard Low German language. Of all the German-language countries it is Germany and especially the area of the former Federal Republic that encompasses the widest dialectal diversity. Austrian dialects are Bavarian Upper German in origin, except for the Alemannic varieties in Vorarlberg.

Saxon, Franconian, Alemannic and Bavarian. Moreover, because of the political and cultural fragmentation of the German-speaking regions of Europe, and the specific forms of territorial absolutism replacing the Holy Roman Empire, there was no centre comparable with London and Paris that could lend or impose its variety as the standard language. So each region had its own language at least until the early sixteenth century see Bach , Hugo Moser a, R. There were two periods of strong nationalist as well as functional motivation for a uniform standard. The first was the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, and the contributing factors were: Although there was a 'compromise language' in the South das gemeyne Deutsch up to the sixteenth century, the basis for the merging standard language was written East Central German, itself originally a compromise.

At the time of the Holy Roman Empire, Germany was not a political entity and could be defined only culturally and linguistically1. Linguistic nationalism was directed towards promoting the vernacular as opposed to Latin. I do not know where to find the country. Where the scholarly begins, the political ends. It was the French revolution that sparked off the movement towards a German nation-state. The originally East Central German written standard gradually permeated both the northern Low German-speaking regions and the Catholic states, and during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries slowly penetrated into Austria and Switzerland.

However, it was in the nineteenth century that the phonological norms were set for what may be termed 'German Standard German'. By this time Prussia had gained a sphere of influence embracing all German-speaking areas of Europe except Switzerland and those that were part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, first through a customs union the Zollverein and then, in , through political unification.

The model for this unity was kleindeutsch i. The linguistic as well as the political leadership was provided by the North. A myth continuing to the present day is that the 'best' German is spoken in Hanover. Because the North including Berlin was originally Low German-speaking, and once used High German as a second language, the High German Standard German spoken there tended to accentuate a close relationship between phonemes and graphemes, giving the semblance of'greater correctness', and it was not on a continuum with the local dialects as in, say, Swabia, Bavaria or Austria.

With minor modifications, the North German pronunciation became the norm for Standard German pronunciation Buhnendeutsch, stage German in Austria and Switzerland, as well as throughout Germany, in an agreement concluded between the three countries in Some of the special features of North German that are now part of the German Standard norms are as follows: A number of features of North German phonology have normative status regionally in the northern part of Germany see Herrmann-Winter Short vowels for long ones, as in Qlas, Zug. This is a problem of syllable boundary: Ammon designates as 'Teutonismen those rarely marked features peculiar to German German, both lexical e.

Today, in spite of a high degree of regionalism in South Germany see Ch. This, however, does not apply to Austrian or Swiss Radio, see 2. Similarly, in the written language, the Suddeutsche Zeitung published in Munich follows similar norms to the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, partly because much of the information comes from agencies centred in the northern and central parts of Germany cf. Austrian newspapers, whose language is Austrian Standard. The dominance of the German norms has been aided by the fact that most of the large German-language publishing houses were and are situated in Germany.

At the level of lexicon and grammar, alternatives to the North German norm may be accepted regionally, but not as Standard German. So the news and political sections of the Suddeutsche and the news on the Bayerischer Rundfunk do not usually employ words such as heuer dieses Jahr, this year , fanner ifanuar, January , Gehweg Burgersteig, footpath or constructions such as liegen to lie , stehen to stand and sitzen to sit with the auxiliary sein cf. German Standard and North German haben. Also, the tendency towards graphemic integration adaptation to German spelling of lexical transfers 'loanwords' from other languages is greater in Germany than in other German-language countries.

But generally, the one aspect of the German language for which a consensus was reached by the German-language countries at the end of the nineteenth century was spelling. In addition to the kleindeutsch model, the grofideutsch notion incorporating all German-language regions including Austria, Switzerland and Luxembourg under the political and cultural domination of Germany seems to have strongly influenced the German attitude towards national varieties of German in other countries.

At the political level, the grofdeutsch principle has been completely discredited through its barbarous climax under Hitler. In attitudes to language, however, the dominance of Germany is still present see above, 2. However, the uneasy relation between norm and usage makes this whole discussion difficult. As we have indicated in 2. It is perhaps the national variety that has undergone the greatest changes in recent times, especially in the lexicon. The linguistic effects of the division of German will be the subject of Chapter 3.

Variation between the Austrian and German national varieties of Standard German is the result of separate cultural and sociopolitical development, particularly since the establishment of an Austrian-based state in the late eighteenth century and the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire in Following the unification of Germany under Prussia, which excluded Austria, in , North and Central German were codified as standard in Germany. The multilingual, multicultural Austro-Hungarian Empire was 'the very antithesis of a national state' R. In , only The collapse of this empire at the end of the First World War resulted in tension between pan-German and pro-independence elements.

The Austrian cringe is noted as early as by the writer Arthur Schnitzler cited in Johnston The period as part of Nazi Germany and the ten years when Austria was divided between allied occupation powers was followed by a direction clearly independent from Germany in which the German connection was officially minimized. However, the change of the name of the school subject from 'German' to Unterrichtssprache language of instruction , sometimes cited as an example, was actually the response to the Soviet occupation's demands for mothertongue-medium education for minorities Rudolf Muhr, personal communication.

Von Polenz correctly notes that there has been confusion between the political and cultural concepts of 'nation' Staatsnation, Kulturnation , exacerbated by the pan-German movement of the nineteenth century and by Nazism. National consciousness was heightened during Kreisky's term of office as Bundeskanzler The proportion of the population accepting the notion of an Austrian nation as opposed to state is greater than ever. Comparisons of public polls taken four times between and SWS Bildstatistiken show that the proportion of the population believing that there is a separate Austrian nation has increased from half to nearly three-quarters of the sample during this period.

Nevertheless, the dilemma of Austrian nationhood vs membership of a German nation is still under discussion in some circles Bruckmuller ,K. The economic and political strength of, and dependence on, the 'big brother' Germany stands in contrast with a continuing cultural cringe in Austria Muhr ,b, Pollak , Ratholb, Schmid and HeiB As the author Georg Schmid A manifestation of this is the pendulum swing between the planning of an autonomous national variety and an acceptance of German norms.

According to Wodak-Leodolter and Dressier The German used by the highest ranking strata of Austrian society, whether in government, the public service, or the academic professions, is distinctively Austrian Muhr a. The notion of'stage German' has become somewhat antiquated in Germany. It was the original motivation of the Siebs standard but has little significance in Germany today.

The radio news pronunciation, though still distinctively Austrian, bears some resemblance to that of German-speaking Switzerland, where this needs to be seen in relation to diglossia see 2. In Austria, other programmes, such as the morning programme, talkback, talks and children's programmes, are in a more everyday sociolect of Austrian German. As there is no complete description of Austrian Standard German, its status is often confused through prejudice. Muhr , a demonstrates the effects of what he calls the 'schizophrenia of the Austrian.

He shows that there is a tendency for Austrians to use but denigrate their own national variety Standard-nach-innen and to regard as the norm a variety that is neither normally used nor acceptable within Austria Standard-nach-aufien. This is related to class and geographical factors see above and cf. Hans Moser and comes to the fore in the debate over the Austrian dictionary see 2. The result is frequent code-switching in the public domain Muhr This creates problems in the codification process.

In a survey of language attitudes in Vienna, Moosmiiller and Dressier found positive attitudes to Austrian Standard German, which was described as soft and melodious, though some of the informants reacted negatively to unrealistically normative pronunciations. A more extensive study of the attitudes of people from four states of Austria Moosmiiller Evidence in favour of a 'linguistic cringe' see 2.

German technology, tourism, imports and synchronized television for the entire Germanlanguage market as well as youth subculture have prompted the spread of GSG variants and uncertainty as to Austrian norms. On the other hand, it is with Austrian Standard that the middle and upper middle classes identify Wodak-Leodolter and Dressier At all levels of language there are marked distinctions between local or regional Austrian dialects and Austrian Standard in both the capital city and the provinces.

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This was already observed by the Austrian writer Hugo von Hofmannsthal in Wert und Ehre der deutschen Sprache in He felt an absence of an intermediate variety for social contact between different segments of the population. Due to its belated overall industrialization, Austria still has a more pronounced class structure than Germany, and social class and educational background are indicated through the variety of Austrian German dialect or Standard used.

As the lower sociolects of Austrian German are the ones most distant from GSG, the distinctiveness of Austrian German represents a conflict between national and social loyalty Hans Moser Vienna is the political and cultural centre and 3. Graz, Linz, Salzburg, Innsbruck, see e. Moosmuller , though there is some tension between the eastern and western varieties, and Standard German in Austria certainly varies regionally, as in Germany see Wolf